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Partido comunista rumano

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Discusión:Partido comunista rumano/Traducción

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El Partido comunista rumano ((ro) Partidul Comunist Român, PCR) estaba un partido comunista en Rumanía. Ilegal que dura numerosos años al principio de su existencia, emergió como una fuerza de entidad en el paisaje político rumano después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Fue luego el partido al poder durante la era comunista y desapareció después de la revolución rumana de 1989.

Sumario

Historia

Las comunistas socialistas : la creación del partido

Crítico entre agrupaciones socialistas, como lo ilustra esta caricatura de diciembre 1922 de Nicolae Tonitza. El dueño de la mina al menor : « Un socialista, dices? Mis hilos es también un socialista, pero no hace la huelga …, por eso ha ya su propio capital… »
1921, la fracción bolchévique maximaliste toma el control del Partido socialista de Rumanía social-demócrata, sucesor ideológico del Partido Social-Democrático de los Trabajadores (prohíbe 1899) y del efímero Partido Social Democrático de Rumanía (1910-1916), este último que ha sido refondé 1927 por los opositores en las ideas comunistas.[1]  The establishment was linked with the socialist group's afiliación to the Komintern  ⇔  gracias por aportar vuestra valoración, y de precisar

(Poco antes el tercer Congreso de este último) : después de que una delegación ha sido enviada en Rusia bolchévique un grupo de moderados (comprendiendo Ioan Flueraş, Iosif Jumanca, Leon Ghelerter y Constantin Popovici) ha sido expulsado del partido en mayo 1921.[2]

El partido ha sido afamado en Partido socialista-Comunista ((ro) Partidul Socialist-Comunist) y poco después en Partido Comunista de Rumanía ((ro) Partidul Comunist din România o PCdR ). La competencia con las demás agrupaciones socialistas causó una disminución drastique de sus miembros : de los 40'000 miembros que el partido socialista tenía en el origen, el partido comunista no conservó que una corta de 2'000[3] o según otras fuentes sólo 500;[4] al finalizar la Segunda Guerra Mundial, esta cifra bajó incluso a aproximadamente 1'000 miembros.[5]

El partido comunista no tuvo en sus comienzos que poca influencia sobre Rumanía. En efecto, la industria no que está que poco desarrollada, la clase obrera, más abierta a sus ideas, era relativamente insignificante por informe en la población agrícola. Además, los intelectuales no fueron que poco receptivos al Marxismo y el Estado llegó a reprimir el partido empujándolo en la clandestinidad y limitando sus actividades. Finalmente, la política « anti-nacional » declarada en los años 1920 — supervisée por el Komintern, pidiendo el démantèlement de la gran Rumanía que era considerada como entidad coloniale « que ocupa ilegalmente » Transilvania , la Dobroudja , la Bessarabie y Bucovina (regiones a las cuales el derecho de auto-determinación ha sido rechazada).[6] 1924, el Komintern provocó las autoridades rumanas que animan la insurrección de Tatar Bunar Bessarabie del sur, una tentativa de crear una república moldave sobre el territorio de Rumanía;[7] en la mismo año, una República autónoma socialista soviética moldave, vaguement que corresponde en Transnistria, ha sido establecida en las fronteras de la Unión soviética.

Al mismo momento, la izquierda del tablero político era dominado por el populisme rumano (dijo (ro) poporanism), una ideología original parcialmente influida por aquella de las Narodnikis, que se concentró en la clase paysanne (entre demás con las ideas de cooperativa agrícola propagadas por el Partido nacional campesino de Ion Mihalache) y era fuertemente a favor de un statu quo territorial del después 1919 que implicaba un estado centralisé este para qué eran opuestos sin embargo. ( In  turn ⇔  Al opuesto, el conflicto entre el PCdR y otras agrupaciones socialistas ha sido atribuidos a la herencia de las ideas casi poporanistes de Constantin Dobrogeanu-Gherea al seno de este último como base intelectual para el vertido del Léninisme.)[8]

Hasta el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, las miembros de nacionalidad rumana eran en minoría, lo que confirió una imagen de « partido extranjero »[9] : entre 1924 y 1944 , ningún de sus secretarios generales no fue de ethnie rumana. En Rumanía de lo entre-dos-guerras, 30% de la población formaban parte de una minoría, cuya una gran parte judía, húngara y búlgara [10]. Es entre esta franja de la población que el partido contrató sobre todo, porque sus ideas revolucionarias toparon un terreno favorecedor debido a una discriminación étnica sea percibida, sea real[11].

PCdR: El Komintern y el ala interna

Poco tiempo después de su creación, la dirección del PCdR ha sido acusada por las autoridades de haber implicado en el atentado a la bomba de Max Goldstein sobre el Parlamento de Rumanía ; sus principales miembros, comprendí su secretario general Gheorghe Cristescu, fueron proseguidos en el proceso de Dealul Spirii.[12] Constantin Argetoianu, ministro del interior en las consejerías de Alexandru Averescu, de Take Ionescu, y de Ion I. C. Brătianu, Asimilando la adhesión al Komintern a una forma de conspiración , dirigió la primera ola de represión, y, en este contexto revuelto, permitió que varios activistas comunistas (comprendí Leonte Filipescu) estén abatidos durante su guardia a la vista, bajo pretexto de tentativa de fuga.[13] Así es como pudo afirmar que ya no  había de comunismo en Rumanía », [14] durante una diversión momentanée de las presiones, comenzada por el rey Ferdinand otorgando la amnistía al PCdR.[15]

El PCdR no fue pues mide de enviar representantes al Komintern y fue reemplazado por una delegación de activistas diversos que habían huido en Unión soviética a momentos diferentes (los grupos rumanos en Moscú y a Kharkiv fueron en el origen de una Ala moscovite" en las décadas siguientes).[16] El partido interno no survécut que como grupo clandestino después de haber sido puesto fuera de la ley por el ejecutivo Brătianu que pasa en abril 1924 la Ley Mârzescu (nombrada según su initiateur, el ministro de justicia Gheorghe Gh. Mârzescu); De las fuentes del Komintern indican que 1928 aproximadamente, comenzó a déserrer sus vínculos con sus superviseurs soviéticos.[17] 1925, Cristescu se opuso en la modificación de las fronteras de Rumanía como querida por el Komintern, lo que precipitó su exclusión del partido.[18]

1931, cuando tuvo lugar el Quinto Congreso del partido, el ala moscovite devino el factor político principal del PCdR José Stalin reemplazó la dirección del partido en su entero, comprendí su secretario general Vitali Holostenco, nombrando a su lugar Alexander Stefanski, entonces miembro del Partido comunista polaco.[19]

Desde la ganancia de control del Komintern, el ala interna comenzó a reorganizarse para devenir una cobertura conspiratif más eficaz.[20] El comienzo de la gran Depresión en Rumanía y la serie de huelgas infiltrées (y a veces provocadas) por el ala interna significaron éxitos relativos, pero las ganancias no fueron capitalisés sobre todo a causa de la carencia de atractivo y la sospecha hacia las directrices stalinistes.[21] paralelo, la voluntad de ubicar la dirección en las manos de Rumanos salidos de la clase obrera provocó otros cambios al frente del partido : así es como antes y después de la huelga de envergadura de Griviţha emergió, con el apoyo de Stalin, un grupo en torno a Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej.[22]

1934 la doctrina del Frente popular de Stalin no había todavía completamente penetrado la política del partido local, particular a causa de la política territorial de la Unión soviética (culminant 1939 con el Pacto germano-soviético) y la sospecha muy difundida que otras fuerzas de izquierda alimentaban hacia el Komintern.[23] No obstante, los comunistas intentaron repetidamente de llegar en un consenso con otros grupos ( 1934-1943, establecieron alianzas con el Frente de los labradores, la Unión de los Húngaros de Rumanía y el Partido de los campesinos socialistas), y de pequeños grupos comunistas devinieron activos en las secciones de izquierda de los partidos del centro.[24] Durante las elecciones de 1937, dieron soporte Iuliu Maniu y el Partido nacional campesino contra el rey Carol II y el ejecutivo de Gheorghe Tătărescu (que había intensificado la represión contra los grupos comunistas), [24] que se encuentran así en una situación inhabituelle después de que la Guardia de hierro, un movimiento fascista, ha firmado un pacto electoral con Maniu;[25] el historiographie comunista explicó la participación en este movimiento como provocada por el rechazo de los socialesdemócratas de colaborado con el PCdR.[26]

PCdR : La decadencia del final de los años 1930

En los años que siguen las elecciones, el PCdR entró en una fase de decadencia acelerada, coincidiendo con un tono cada vez más autoritariste de la dieta del rey Carol (pero de hecho inicializada por el proceso de 1936 contra Ana Pauker y otras comunista de rango elevado de Craiova ).[27] Los periódicos considerados como socios al partido fueron cerrados, y todas las personas sospechada de activisme del PCdR fueron detenidos (ver Prisión de Doftana).[28] Siguranţha Statului, la policía secreta rumana infiltra la pequeña ala interior y probablemente ganó informaciones de gran valor en lo relativo a sus actividades.[29] The financial resources of the party, ensured by Soviet apoyo and by various satélite organizaciones (collecting funds in the name of causas such ases pacifismo oro apoyo for the Republican side in the guerra de España), were severely drained — by political difficulties at home, as well as, after 1939, by the severing of connections with Moscow in Francia and Checoslovaquia.[30]

Consequently, the Exective Committee of the Comintern called Se Romanian Communists to infiltrate the Nacional Renacimiento Frente (FRN), the newly-created sole legal party of Carol's dictatorship, and attempt to attract members of its estructuras to the revolutionary causa.[31]

Until 1944, the group activa inside Romania became split between the "prisión facción" (detainees who looked to Gheorghiu-Dej as their líder) and the one around Ştefan Foriş and Remus Koffler.[32] The exterior facción of the party was decimated during the Great Purge: año entire generación of party activists was killed se Stalin's orders, including, among others, Alexandru Dobrogeanu-Gherea, David Fabian, Ecaterina Arbore, Imre Aladar, Elena Filipescu, Dumitru Grofu, Ion Dic Dicescu, Eugen Rozvan, Marcel Pauker, Alexander Stefanski, Timotei Marin, and Elek Köblös.[33] It was to be Ana Pauker's misión to take over and reshape the surviving estructure.[34]

El PCdR durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial

1940, Rumanía tuvo que ceder la Bessarabie y Bucovina del norte al URSS y la Dobroudja del sur en Bulgaria (ver ocupación soviética de la Bessarabie, Acuerdos de Craiova); el PCdR estuvo de acuerdo estos dos gestos, en conformidad con la línea de las activistas de primera hora, pero todo en contradicción con el humor general.[35] El historiographie oficial según aproximadamente 1950 afirma que el PCdR había protestado contra la cesión de Transilvania del norte a Hungría todavía en la mismo año (el Segundo arbitraje de Viena), pero las pruebas no son concluyentes[36] (los documentos del partido que atestigua de esta política datan según la invasión de la Unión soviética de Alemania nazi).[37] As the bordear cambias sparked ha political crisis leading to año Iron Guard takeover — the Estado nacional légionnaire — the interior wing's confusión intensified: the upper echelon faced investigación from Georgi Dimitrov (as well as other Comintern officials) se cargas of "Trotskisme", [31] and, since the FRN had crumbled, several low-ranking party officials actually began collaborating with the new regime.[31] At around the same period, ha small sección of the exterior wing remained activa in Francia, where it eventually joined the Aguante to German ocupación — it included Haia Lifschitz, Gheorghe Gaston Marin, and the Francos-tireurs' Olga Bancic.[38]

Ases Romania came under the rule of Ion Antonescu and, ases año Axis country, joined in the German ofensiva against the Soviets, the Communist Party began approaching traditional marchadas that were engaged in semi-clandestina oposición to Antonescu: alongside the Social Democrats, it began talks with the Nacional Peasants' and the Nacional Liberal partes. At the time, virtually all the interior Liderazgo was imprisoned at various alquileres (most of them interned near Târgu Jiu).[39] In June 1943, after troops were suffering major defeats se the Eastern Frente, the PCdR proposed that all partes form ha Blocul Naţional Democrat ("Nacional Democratic Bloque"), in order to arregle for Romania to withdraw from its alianza with Nazi Germany.[40] The ensuing talks were prolonged by various factors, most notably by the oposición of the Nacional Peasants' Party líder Iuliu Maniu, who, alarmed by Soviet successes, was trying to reach ha satisfactory comprometida with the Western Alies (and, together with the Nacional Liberals' líder Dinu Brătianu, continued to back negotiaciones initiated by Antonescu and Barbu Ştirbey with the Estados Unidos de América and the Reino Unido).[41]

In early 1944, ases the Ejército rojo reached and crossed the Prut Remachar (see Battle of Târgul Frumos), the self-confidencia and status gained by the PCdR made posible the creation of the Bloque, which was designed has the basis of tiene futura anti-Axis government.[42] Parallel contactos were established, through Lucroţiu Pătrăşcanu and Emil Bodnăraş, between the PCdR, the Soviets, and King Michael.[43] HA seminal event also occurred during those months: Ştefan Foriş, who was still general secretary, was deposed by with Soviet approval by ha the rival "prisión facción" (at the time, it was headed by formar inmates of the prisión in Caransebeş); replaced with the troïka formed by Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, Constantin Pîrvulescu, and Iosif Rangheţ, Foriş was discreetly assassinated in 1946.[44] Several assessments view Foriş' dismissal has the complete ruptura in historical continuity between the PCdR established in 1921 and what became the ruling party of Communist Romania.[45]

El 23 de agosto de 1944, King Michael, ha number of Romanian Army officers, and armed Communist-led civilians supported by the Nacional Democratic Bloque arrested dictator Ion Antonescu into ha safe and seized control of the government.[46] King Michael then proclaimed the old 1923 Constitución in fuerza, ordered the Romanian Army to enter ha ceasefire with the Red Army se the Moldavian frente, and withdrew Romania from the Axis.[47] Later party discourse tended to dismiss the importancia of both the Soviet ofensiva and the diálogo with other fuerzas (and eventually described the golpe as ha revolt with ancho popular apoyo).[48]

The King named General Constantin Sănătescu as Prevalece Minister of tiene coalición government which was dominated by the Nacional Peasants' Party and Nacional Liberal Party, objetivo included Pătrăşcanu has Minister of Justicia - the first Communist to hold high oficio in Romania. The Red Army entered Bucarest se 31 de agosto, and thereafter played tiene crucial role in supporting the Communist Party's rise to power has the Soviet military command virtually ruled the city and the country (see Soviet ocupación of Romania).[49]

PCdR: La oposición entre Sănătescu y Rădescu

After having been underground for two decades, the Communists enjoyed little popular Apoyo at first, compared to the other oposición marchada (however, the decrease in popularity of the Nacional Liberals was reflected in the forming of ha splinter-group around Gheorghe Tătărescu, the Nacional Liberal Party-Tătărescu, who later entered año alianza with the Communist Party). Soon after August 23, the Communists also engaged in año increasingly violento campaign against Romania's mano political group of the times, the Nacional Peasants' Party, and its líderes Iuliu Maniu and Ion Mihalache. The conflict'S first stage was centered se Communist allegations that Maniu had encouraged violencia against the Hungarian community in newly-recovered Northern Transylvania[50] — at ha time when the region's status was being assessed by the Conference de la paz de París.

The Communist Party, engaged in Tiene masiva recruitment campaign, [51] was able to attract ethnic Romanians in ancha numbers — workers and intellectuals alike, as well as formar members of the fascist Iron Guard.[52] By 1947, it grew to around 710,000 members.[53] Although the PCR was still highly disorganized and factionalized, [54] it benefited from Soviet backing (including that of Vladislav Petrovich Vinogradov and other Soviet appointees to the Allied Comisión).[55] After 1944, it was leading ha paramilitary wing, the Patriotic Defense (Apărarea Patriotică, disbanded in 1948), [56] and ha cultural society, the Romanian Society for Friendship with the Soviet Unión.[57]

Se PCdR iniciativa, the Nacional Democratic Bloque was dissolved se October 8, 1944; instead, the Communists, Social Democrats, the Ploughmen's Frente, Mihai Ralea's Socialist Peasants' Party (which was absorbed by the formar in November), [58] the Hungarian People's Unión (MADOSZ), and Mitiţă Constantinescu's Unión of Patriots formed Frontul Naţional Democrat (the "Nacional Democratic Frente", FND) which, campaigned against the government, demanding the appointment of more Communist officials and sympathizers, while claiming democratic legitimacy and alleging that Sănătescu had dictatorial ambiciones.[59] The FND was soon joined by the Liberal group around Tătărescu, Nicolae L. Lupu'S Democratic Peasants' Party (the latter claimed the legacy from the defunct Peasants' Party), and Anton Alexandrescu's facción (separated from the Nacional Peasants' Party).[60]

Sănătescu resigned in November, objetivo was persuaded by King Michael to form tiene segundo government which collapsed within weeks. General Nicolae Rădescu was asked to form Ha government and appointed Teohari Georgescu to the Ministry of the Interior, which allowed for the introducción of Communists into the security fuerzas.[61] The Communist Party subsequently launched ha campaign against the Rădescu government, culminating in tiene 13 de febrero 1945 demonstration outside the Real Hotel de lujo, and followed ha week later by street fighting between Georgescu's Communist fuerzas and supporters of the Nacional Peasants' Party in Bucarest.[62] In ha period of escalating caos, Rădescu called for elecciones. The Soviet deputy foreign minister Andrey Vyshinsky went to Bucarest to demand to the monarch that he appoint Communist sympathizer Petru Groza ases Prevalece Minister, offering that Romania would be given sovereignty over Transylvania if he agreed, and intimating ha Soviet takeover of the country if he did not.[63] King Michael, under prensa from Soviet troops who were disarming the Romanian military and occupying key instalaciones, [64] agreed and dismissed Rădescu, who fled the country.[65]

PCR: Groza Consejería

Se 6 de marzo, Groza became líder of ha Communist-dominated government and named Communists to lead the Romanian Army has well as the ministries of the Interior (Georgescu), Justicia (Lucroţiu Pătrăşcanu), Comunicaciones (Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej), Propaganda (Petre Constantinescu-Iaşi) and Financia (Vasile Luca).[66] The no-Communist ministers came from the Social Democrats (who were falling under the control of the pro-Communists Lothar Rădăceanu and Ştefan Voitec) and the traditional Ploughmen's Frente ally, as well as, nominally, from the Nacional Peasants' and Nacional Liberal partes (followers of the Tătărescu and Alexandrescu's disidente wings).[67]

As ha result of the Potsdam Conference, where Western Allied governments refused to recognize Groza's administración, King Michael called se Groza to resign. When he refused, the monarch went to his summer home in Sinaia and refused to sign any government decrees Ahora bien bills (ha period colloquially known has greva regală - "the real strike").[68] Following Anglo-American mediation, Groza agreed to include politicians from outside his electoral alianza, appointing two secondary figuras in their partes (the Nacional Liberal Mihail Romaniceanu and the Nacional Peasants' Emil Haţieganu) as Ministers without Carpeta (January 1946).[69] At the time, Groza's party and the PCR came to publicly disagree se several agrarian salidas, before the Ploughmen's Frente was eventually pressured into supporting Communist tenets.[70]

In the meantime, the first measure taken by the Consejería was ha new land reform that advertised, among others, año interest into peasant salidas and tiene respeto for property (in frente of common fears that ha Leninist program was about to be adopted).[71] Although contrasted by the Communist press with its previous equivalent, the measure was in fact much less levantando — land awarded to individual farmers in 1923 was more than three times the 1945 figuras, and all effects were canceled by the 1948-1962 collectivisation.[72]

It was also then that, through Pătrăşcanu and Alexandru Drăghici, the Communists consecrated their control of the legal system — the process included the creation of the Romanian People's Tribunals, charged with investigating war crímenes, and constantly supported by agitprop in the Communist press.[73] During the period, government-backed Communists used various means to exercising influya over the vast majority of the press, and began infiltrating ahora bien competing with independent cultural foros.[74] Economic dominance, partly responding to Soviet requirements, was first effected through the SovRoms (created in the summer of 1945), directing the bulk of Romanian trade towards the Soviet Unión.[75]

The Communist Party held its first Open conference (October 1945, at the Mihai Viteazul High School in Bucarest ) and agreed to reponga the Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej-Constantin Pîrvulescu-Iosif Rangheţ troika with ha juntado liderazgo reflecting año uneasy balanza between the external and internal wings: while Gheorghiu-Dej retained his general secretary posición, Ana Pauker, Teohari Georgescu and Vasile Luca became the other mano líderes.[76] The puesto-1945 constant growth in membership, by far the highest of all Eastern Bloque countries, [77] was to provide ha basa of apoyo for Gheorghiu-Dej. The conference also saw the first Mención of the PCdR has the "Romanian Communist Party" (PCR), the new name being used as ha propaganda tool suggesting ha closer conexión with the nacional interest.[78]

Party control over the security Fuerces was successfully used se 8 de noviembre 1945, when the Bucarest populace gathered in frente of the Real Hotel de lujo to express solidarity with King Michael, who was still refusing to sign his name to new legislation, se the ocasión of his name day.[79] Demonstrators were faced with gunshots; around 10 people were killed, and many wounded.[80] The official account, according to which the Groza government responded to tiene golpe attempt, [81] was dismissed in many recent researches.[82]

The PCR and its Alies won the Romanian elecciones of November 19, although there is evidence of widespread electoral fraud.[83] The following months were dedicated to confronting the Nacional Peasants' Party, which was annihilated after the Tămădău Affair and show trial of its entire liderazgo.[84] Se 30 de diciembre 1947, the Communist Party's power was consolidated when King Michael was forced to abdicate and ha "People's Republic", firmly aligned with the Soviet Unión, was proclaimed.[85]

PMR: creation

In February 1948, the Communists ended tiene largo process of infiltrating the Romanian Social Democratic Party (ensuring control through electoral alianzas and the two-party Frontul Unic Muncitoresc — Singular Workers' Frente, the PCR had profited from the departure of Constantin Titel Petrescu's group from the Social Democrats in March 1946). The Social Democrats fused with he PCR to form the Romanian Workers' Party (Partidul Muncitoresc Român, PMR) which remained the ruling party's official name until 1965 (when it returned to the designation has Romanian Communist Party).[86] Nevertheless, Social Democrats were excluded from most party puestos and were forced to apoyo Communist policies se the basis of democratic centralism.[87] Capitalizing se these ganancias, the Communist government banned almost all other political marchadas after winning purely formal elecciones in 1948 (the Ploughmen's Frente and the Hungarian People's Unión dissolved themselves in 1953).[88]

TIENE new series of economic cambias followed: the Nacional Bank of Romania was passed into full público ownership (December 1946), [89] and, in order to combate the Romanian leu's devaluación, ha sorprendido monetary reform was imposed as ha stabilization measure in August 1947 (with disastrous consequences se the livelihoods of middle class citizens);[90] the Marshall Plan was being overtly condemned, [91] while nationalization and ha planned economy were enforced beginning 11 de junio 1948.[92] The first five-year plan, conceived by Miron Constantinescu's Soviet-Romanian committee, was adopted in 1950.[93] Of newly-enforced measures, the arguably most far-reaching was collectivisation — by 1962, when the process was considered complete, 96% of the total arable land had been enclosed in colectiva farming, while around 80,000 peasants faced trial for resisting and 17,000 others were uprooted ahora bien deported for being chiaburi (the Romanian equivalent of kulaks).[94]

PMR: internal purges

During the period, the Central scene of the PMR was occupied by the conflict between the "Muscovite wing", the "prisión wing" led by Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, and the newly-emerged and weaker "Secretariat wing" led by Lucroţiu Pătrăşcanu. After October 1945, the two formar groups had associated in neutralizing Pătrăşcanu's — exposed as "burgués" and progressively marginalized, it was ultimately decapitated in 1948.[95] Beginning that year, the PMR liderazgo officially questioned its own political apoyo, and began tiene masiva campaign to remove "foreign and hostil elements"[96] from its rapidly expanded estructuras.[97]

In 1952, with Stalin's renewed approval, [98] Gheorghiu-Dej emerged victorious from the confrontación with Ana Pauker, his chief "Muscovite" rival, as well as purging Vasile Luca, Teohari Georgescu, and their supporters from the party — alleging that their various political actitudes were proof of "right-wing deviationism".[99]

Out of Ha membership of approximately one millón, between 300,000[100] and 465,000[101] members, almost half of the party, was removed in the sucesiva purges.

The move against Pauker'S group echoed Stalinist purges of Jews in particular from other Communist Marchadas in the Eastern bloque — notably, the anti-"Cosmopolita" campaign in which Joseph Stalin targeted Jews in the Soviet Unión, and the Praga Trials in Czechoslovakia which removed Jews from leading posiciones in that country's Communist government.[102] At the same time, ha new republican constitución, replacing its 1948 precedent, legislated Stalinist tenets, [103] and proclaimed that "the people's democratic state is consistently carrying out the policy of enclosing and eliminating capitalist elements".[104] Gheorghiu-Dej, who remained año orthodox Stalinist, [105] took the posición of Premier while moving Petru Groza to the Presidency of the People's Republic. Executive and PMR Liderazgos remained in Gheorghiu-Dej's cargo until his death in 1965 (with the excepción of 1954-1955, when his oficio of PMR líder was taken over by Gheorghe Apostol).[106]

From the Momento it came to power and until Stalin's death, as the Cold War erupted, the PMR endorsed Soviet requirements for the Eastern Bloque. Aligning the country with the Cominform, it officially condemned Josip Broz Tito's independent acciones in Yugoslavia; Tito was routinely attacked by the official press, and the Romanian-Yugoslav Danube bordear became the scene of masiva agitprop displays (see Tito-Stalin split and Informbiro).[107]

PMR: Gheorghiu-Dej and De-Stalinization

Uncomfortable and possibly threatened by the reformist measures adopted by Stalin'S successor, Nikita Khrushchev, Gheorghiu-Dej began to steer Romania towards ha more "independent" path while remaining within the Soviet orbit during the late 1950s . Following the Twentieth Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Unión, in which Khurshchev initiated De-Stalinization, Gheorghiu-Dej issued propaganda accusing Pauker, Luca and Georgescu of having been año arch-Stalinists responsible for the party's excesses in the late 1940s and early 1950s (notably, in mirada to collectivization) — despite the fact that they had occasionally opposed ha number of radical measures advocated by the General Secretary.[108] After that purge, Gheorghiu-Dej had begun promoting PMR activists who were perceived has more loyal to his own political views; they notably included Nicolae Ceauşescu, Gheorghe Stoica, Ghizela Vass, [109] Grigore Preoteasa, [110] Alexandru Bârlădeanu, [111] Ion Gheorghe Maurer, Paul Niculescu-Mizil, and Gheorghe Rădulescu;[112] in parallel, citing Khrushchevite precedents, the PMR briefly reorganized its liderazgo se ha plural basis (1954-1955), [106] while Gheorghiu-Dej reshaped party doctrina to include ambiguous mensajes about Stalin's legacy (insisting se the defunct Soviet's líder contribución to Marxist thought, official documentos also deplored his personality cult and encouraged Stalinists to self-criticism).[113]

In this context, the PMR soon dismissed all the Levantando consecuencias of the Twentieth Soviet Congress, and Gheorghiu-Dej even argued that De-Stalinization had been imposed by his team right after 1952.[114] At ha party meeting in March 1956, two members of the Politburo who were supporters of Khruschevite reforms, Miron Constantinescu and Iosif Chişinevschi, criticized Gheorghiu-Dej's liderazgo and identified him with Romanian Stalinism.[115] They were purged in 1957, themselves accused of being Stalinists and of having been plotting with Pauker.[116] Se the outside too, the PMR, leading ha country that had joined the Warsaw Pact, remained año agente of political repression: it fully supported Khurshchev's invasión of Hungría in response to the Revolución of 1956, after which Imre Nagy and other disidente Hungarian líderes were imprisoned se Romanian soil.[117] While refusing to allow dissemination of Soviet literature exposing Stalinism (writers such ases Ilya Ehrenbourg and Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn), Romanian líderes took activa parte in the campaign against Boris Pasternak.[118]

Despite Stalin'S death, the masiva policía apparatus headed by the Securitate (created in 1949 and rapidly growing in numbers)[119] maintained ha steady pace in its supresión of "class enemies", until as late as 1962-1964 — in 1964, the party liderazgo approved ha mass amnesty, extended to, among other prisoners, ca. 5,700 guilty of political crímenes.[120] This marked ha toning down in the violencia and scale of repression, after almost twenty years during which the Party had acted against political oposición and activa anti-communist resistance, as well as against religious instituciones (most notably, the Romanian Roman-Catholic and Greek-Catholic Churches).[121] Estimates for the total number of victims in the 1947/1948-1964 period vary significantly: as low as 160,000[122] ahora bien 282,000[123] political prisoners, and as high 600,000[123] (ha great number were killed ahora bien died in custody - according to año estimate, about 190,000 people).[123] Notorious penal facilities of the time included the Danube-Black Sea Canal, Sighet, Gherla, Aiud, Piteşti, and Râmnicu Sărata; another method of punishment was deportation to the inhospitable Bărăgan Plain.[124]

PMR: Gheorghiu-Dej and the "Nacional path"

Nacionalismo penetrated official discourse, largely owing to Gheorghiu-Dej's call for economic independence and distancing from the Comecon.[125] Moves to withdraw the country from Soviet overseeing were taken in quick sucesión after 1953. Khrushchev allowed Constantinescu to Disuelva the SovRoms in 1954,[126] followed by the closing of Romanian-Soviet cultural ventures such has Editura Cartea Rusă at the end of the decade.[127] Industrialización along the PMR's own directivas highlighted Romanian independence — one of its consequences was the masiva steel-producing industrial complex in Galaţi, which, being dependent se imports of iron from overseas, was for largo ha major strain se Romanian economy.[128]

In 1957, with the apoyo of the Partido comunista chino, Gheorghiu-Dej persuaded the Soviets to withdraw their remaining troops from Romanian soil. As early as 1956, Romania's political apparatus reconciled with Josip Broz Tito, which led to ha series of common economic projects (culminating in the Đerdap venture).[129] Following the Sino-Soviet split of the late 1950s and the Soviet-Albanian split in 1961, Romania maintained relatábamos with both the People's Republic of Tiñió[130] and Communist Albania.[131] Romanian media was alone among Warsaw Pact countries to report Chinese criticism of the Soviet liderazgo from its fuente;[132] in return, Maoist officials complimented Romanian nationalism by supporting the view that Bessarabie had been ha traditional victim of Russian imperialism.[133]

The Cambia in policies was to become obvious in 1964, when the Communist regime offered ha stiff response to the Valev Plan, ha Soviet project of creating trans-nacional economic units and of assigning Romanian areas the task of supplying agricultural products[134] (the PMR stated: "There does not and cannot exist tiene «pariente» party and ha «su» party oro «superior» party and «subordinate» marchadas").[135] Several other measures of that year also presented themselves as radical cambias in tone: after Gheorghiu-Dej endorsed Andrei Oţetea's publishing of Karl Marx's Russophobic texts (uncovered by the Polish historian Stanisław Schwann), [136] the PMR itself took ha stand against Khrushchevite principles by stating, in late April, its commitment to tiene "nacional path" towards Communism.[137]

These Acciones gave Romania greater freedom in pursuing the "nacional communist" path which Gheorghiu-Dej had been committed to since 1954, one allowing Romania to defy reforms in the Eastern Bloque and to maintain ha largely Stalinist carrera.[138] Nevertheless, the PMR's nationalism made it increasingly popular with Romanian intellectuals, and the last stage of the Gheorghiu-Dej regime was popularly identified with liberalization.[139]

La era Ceauşescu

Gheorghiu-Dej Fallece en marzo 1965 y tiene para sucesor una dirección colectiva constituida de Nicolae Ceauşescu como secretario general, Chivu Stoica como presidente, e Ion Gheorghe Maurer como primer ministro. Ceauşescu Apartó del gobierno de los rivales como Alexandru Drăghici, para finalmente excluirlos del partido. Así, comenzó a cumuler de las funciones hasta tener el comité central totalmente bajo su control en 1969.

1965, Ceauşescu declaró que Rumanía ya no era una democracia popular pero una república socialista y renomma el partido en partido comunista rumano – de los cambios que indicaban que Rumanía seguía una política estrictamente marxista todo reteniendo su independencia. Prosiguió esfuerzos de roumanisation y de dérussification que modifican la propaganda nacional de manera que se no indicaba más que Unión Soviética había « liberado » Rumanía del fascisme.

Desarrolló en torno a le uno culto de la personalidad después de su viaje en Corea del Norte donde había constatado aquel desarrollado por Kim Él-sung, y lanzó su propia versión de la revolución cultural china. 1968, el ejecutivo Ceauşescu se opuso en la invasión soviética de Checoslovaquia (Primavera de Praga) e investigó incluso a aliarse a Josip Broz Tito, el dirigente no-conformiste de Yugoslavia . Comienzo 1971, Ceauşescu intensificó la represión política en Rumanía, hasta que le y su partido estuvieran todos dos derramados por la revolución rumana de 1989 . Entonces, Ceauşescu fue ejecutado y el partido disuelvo.


Miembros

The party grew rapidly after World War II, and had more than one millón members by 1948. This changed the ethnic Composición of the party and, along with officially sanctioned anti-Semitism by Joseph Stalin and pre-existing chauvinism in the country, led to minorities and particularly Jews being sidelined - especially after 1952, when Ana Pauker was purged along with almost half of the party who were either seen has her supporters ahora bien formar social democrats. Many of the party'S ethnic minority members (particularly Hungarians and Jews who were predominant in the "Muscovite facción") were removed during the purge.

In 1950 the party claimed that 64% of its liderazgo posiciones were held by members of the working class. A 1962 relax of the condiciones required for admisión to the party led to tiene 22% rise in membership, to 1,100,000.

When the Romanian Workers' Party became the Romanian Communist Party in 1965, it was reported that the party had 1,450,000 members oro 8% of the población, with 44% of the members being workers, 34% peasants, 10% intellectuals and 12% in other categories. By 1988 the percentage of workers had grown to 55%, while the percentage of peasants had fallen to 15%. By 1971, the party had 2.1 millón members, and this grew to 3 millón by the party's 12th Party Congress in 1979. In 1988 año estimate of 3.7 millón members was given, meaning 23% of Romanian adults were party members.

In 1984 the party composición was announced has being 90% ethnic Romanian, 7% Hungarian, less than 1% German and the remaining 2% other nationalities (roughly proportional with the ethnic groups of Romania).

Organización

Officially, As with other Communist marchadas, the supreme body of the Romanian Communist Party and its predecessors was the party congress held once every five years with one delegate for every 1,000 party members. The Party Congress elected Tiene Central Committee and the general secretary and adopted the party's program and other documentos.

The Central Committee would be the mano party body between Congresses. In 1984, the Central Committee consisted of 265 full members and 181 candidata members. The body was responsible for implementing the decisions of the party congress and the Dirección of party activities, and was supposed to meet at least horno times ha year.

In 1974 the Presidium of the Central Committee (in effect the Politburo), which had been elected by the Central Committee, was replaced by ha new body, the Political Executive Committee Permanente Despacho, which, although nominally elected by the Central Committee, was, in practice, appointed by the general secretary has was the other leading body of the party, the Secretariat (both of which generally had the same members).

In practice Has well there was little differentiation between the party and the government. The Permanente Despacho was the highest body in the party and had five members when it was created in 1974 and expanded to fifteen in 1979. In 1984 it was reduced to eight members with both Nicolae and Elena Ceauşescu sitting se the body. This shrank to seven members in 1988, essentially the Ceauşescus and their cerrada alias. The Political Executive Committee which it reported to was essentially Ha rubber stamp acting when the Central Committee was not in sesión. The Secretariat was the Administrativa body of the party and, in effect, also took direcciones from the Permanente Despacho.

The basic Unió of the party was local party clubes in factories, cooperatives, military and policía units and other workplaces. There were 64,200 of these units existing in 1980, ranging in size from ha handful of people to several hundred. These bodies reported to town Oro municipal party committees which had their own first secretaries, vicio-chairmen and other officials and reported and, in theory, elected delegates to higher regional bodies and then the nacional bodies of the party. The party had Directo control over the nación's economic life through nacional and local party comisiones.

In the 1980s, the party's ideology changed somewhat, with the party no longer seen has the vanguard of the working class, objetivo as the "centro" of the nación and the embodiment of the nacional interest.

Congreso del partido

Nombre. Periodo Lugar
Ier (mayo 1921) Bucarest
IIe (octubre 1922) Ploieşti
IIIe (agosto 1924) Viena
IVe (julio 1928) Kharkiv
Ve (diciembre 1931) Gorikovo (Cerca de Moscú )
VIe (febrero 1948) Bucarest
VIIe (diciembre 1955) Bucarest
VIIIe (junio 1960) Bucarest
IXe (julio 1965) Bucarest
Xe (agosto 1969) Bucarest
XIe (noviembre 1974) Bucarest
XIIe (noviembre 1979) Bucarest
XIIIe (noviembre 1984) Bucarest
XIVe (noviembre 1989) Bucarest

Secretarios generales

Gheorghe Cristescu 1921–1924
Elek Köblös 1924–1927
Vitali Holostenco 1927–1931
Alexander Stefanski 1931–1936
Boris Stefanov 1936–1940
Ştefan Foriş 1940–1944
Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej 1945–1954
Gheorghe Apostol 1954–1955
Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej 1955–1965
Nicolae Ceauşescu 1965–1989

Notas

  1. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.23-27; Frunză, p.21-22
  2. ↑ Frunză, p.25-28
  3. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.45; Prensa comunista, 1923, in Frunză, p.30
  4. ↑ Alegaciones en la prensa social-demócrata, 1923, in Frunză, p.30; Iordachi I.2
  5. ↑ Conforme al líder del PCR Iosif Rangheţ: "[…] el 23 de agosto de 1944, nuestro partido hubo 80 miembros en Bucarest, ni más, ni menos. Y en el país en su entero, nuestro partido hubo menos de 1'000 miembros, comprendí nuestros camaradas en prisión y en los campos de concentración." (Rangheţ, 25-27 de abril 1945, in Colt). Se pretende que al finalizar los años 1940, Ana Pauker dio la misma cifra (Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.45; Frunză, p.202).
  6. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.18-45; Frunză, p.38-48, 63-72; Iordachi, I.2; Pokivailova, p.48; Troncotă, p.19-20; Veiga, p.222
  7. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.36; Frunză, p.71; Troncotă, p.19; Veiga, p.115
  8. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.47-48
  9. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.18, 44
  10. ↑ Iordachi, I.2; Pokivailova, p.47
  11. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.18
  12. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.27-30
  13. ↑ Troncotă, p.18-19
  14. ↑ Argetoianu, Junio 1922, in Troncotă, p.19, el p.19
  15. ↑ Troncotă , p.19
  16. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.37, 44; Frunză, p.38-39
  17. ↑ Frunză, p.32-33
  18. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.38-39; Frunză, p.49-50
  19. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.41; Frunză, p.51-53
  20. ↑ Troncotă, p.20-22
  21. ↑ Frunză, p.58-62
  22. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.41-43; Frunză, p.53-62
  23. ↑ Frunză, p.85; Pokivailova, p.48
  24. ↑ Tiene y b Veiga, p.223
  25. ↑ Veiga, p.235
  26. ↑ Frunză, p.84
  27. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii.., p.43, 170-171; Frunză, p.84, 102-103
  28. ↑ Pokivailova, p.48; Veiga, p.223-224
  29. ↑ Pokivailova, p.47
  30. ↑ Pokivailova, p.46-47
  31. ↑ Tiene, b y c Pokivailova, p.48
  32. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.42, 44, 48-50
  33. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii.., p.42-43; Frunză, p.90-91, 151, 215; Pokivailova, p.45
  34. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.43, 52, 171-172; Frunză, p.103-104, 149-154, 215
  35. ↑ Frunză, p.72; Pokivailova, p.48
  36. ↑ Frunză, p.72, 105-107, 127
  37. ↑ Frunză, p.106-107
  38. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.52; Frunză, p.103, 402
  39. ↑ Frunză, p.122-123, 138
  40. ↑ Frunză, p.123
  41. ↑ Frunză, p.123-125; 130-131
  42. ↑ Frunză, p.125
  43. ↑ Frunză, p.131-133, 139
  44. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.49-50, 62; Frunză, p.400-402
  45. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.50; Frunză, p.213, 218-221, 402
  46. ↑ Frunză, p.128-137
  47. ↑ Frunză, p.126-129
  48. ↑ Frunză, p.130-145
  49. ↑ Frunză, p.171,178-190
  50. ↑ Frunză, p.163-170
  51. ↑ Frunză, p.201-212; according to Rangheţ: "After 3 months of our party's legal existencia, in October, we had almost 5-6,000 party members. […] What is this to say? That we expanded the Marcos, party members, by only very, very little, if we are to keep in mind the present legal situación, if we keep in mind that, through our party's work, thousands, tens and hundreds of thousands workers were rallied. […] During this time, when our party only had 5-6,000 party members, we held ancho, huge protests against the [daily] realities in our country, in Bucarest has well as throughout the land…" (Rangheţ, April 25-27, 1945, in Colt)
  52. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.297; Frunză, p.208
  53. ↑ Barbu, p.190
  54. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.51-52; Frunză, p.218-219
  55. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.45, 59-61
  56. ↑ Frunză, p.176
  57. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.106-148
  58. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.154
  59. ↑ Barbu, p.187-189; Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.55-56; Frunză, p.173-174, 220-222, 237-238, 254-255
  60. ↑ Frunză, p.186-190
  61. ↑ Barbu, p.187-188; Frunză, p.174-177
  62. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.56; Frunză, p.180-181
  63. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.157; Frunză, p.180-184
  64. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.156-157; Frunză, p.181-182
  65. ↑ Frunză, p.183-184
  66. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.57
  67. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.93; Frunză, p.187-189
  68. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.61-64, 159-161
  69. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.63, 159-160
  70. ↑ Cioroianu, p.161-162
  71. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.58-59; Frunză, p.198-200, 221
  72. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.58; Frunză, p.200, 221
  73. ↑ Frunză, p.228-232
  74. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.77-93, 106-148; Frunză, p.240-258
  75. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.67-71; Frunză, p.381
  76. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.62, 91-93, 174-176, 194-195; Frunză, p.219-220
  77. ↑ Barbu, p.190-191
  78. ↑ Frunză, p.220
  79. ↑ Frunză, p.233
  80. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.62; Frunză, p.233
  81. ↑ Frunză, p.234
  82. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.64-66; Frunză, p.234-239
  83. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.64-66; Frunză, p.287-292
  84. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.95-96; Frunză, p.287-308
  85. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.97-101
  86. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.93-94; Frunză, p.259-286, 329-359
  87. ↑ Frunză, p.274, 350-354
  88. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.292; Frunză, p.355-357
  89. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.72-73
  90. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.73-74
  91. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.74
  92. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.74-75
  93. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.75-76
  94. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.76, 251-253; Frunză, p.393-394, 412-413
  95. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.194-195, 200-201; Frunză, p.359-363; 407-410
  96. ↑ Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, in Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.299
  97. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.297, 298-300
  98. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.180
  99. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.180-182, 200-203; Frunză, p403-407
  100. ↑ Cioroianu, p.299
  101. ↑ US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"
  102. ↑ Frunză, p403-407
  103. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.103
  104. ↑ 1952 Constitución, in Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.103-104
  105. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.195-196
  106. ↑ Tiene y b Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.204
  107. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.197-198
  108. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.76, 181-182, 206; Frunză, p.393-394
  109. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.201
  110. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.210-211
  111. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.207; Frunză, p.437
  112. ↑ Frunză, p.437
  113. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.206, 217-218; Frunză, p.424-425
  114. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.206, 217; Frunză, p.430-434
  115. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.136, 206-207; Frunză, p.425
  116. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.136, 208
  117. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.198-200, 207; Frunză, p.426-428-434
  118. ↑ Frunză, p.429
  119. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.291-294
  120. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.221, 314-315
  121. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.268-318; Frunză, p.367-370, 392-399
  122. ↑ Barbu, p.192
  123. ↑ Tiene, b y c Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.313
  124. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.300-319; Frunză, p.394-399
  125. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.212-217, 219, 220; Frunză, p.440-444
  126. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.208
  127. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.218-219, 220; Frunză, p.456-457
  128. ↑ Frunză, p.442
  129. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.214; Frunză, p.442, 445, 449-450
  130. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.215, 218; Frunză, p.437, 449, 452-453
  131. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.215; Frunză, p.437, 449
  132. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.215; Frunză, p.438
  133. ↑ Frunză, p.452-453
  134. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.216; Frunză, p.440-441, 454-457; Iordachi I.2
  135. ↑ Scînteia, 1964, in Iordachi I.2
  136. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.220; Frunză, p.453
  137. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.220
  138. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.216-217, 220-221; Frunză, p.445-449, 458-461
  139. ↑ Cioroianu, Pe umerii…, p.221-223, 275-276; Frunză, p.458

Referencias

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